Arab Feminism Gender And Equality In The Middle East Pdf

arab feminism gender and equality in the middle east pdf

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Charrad bring together a provocative group of scholars, activists, artists, and more, highlighting the first-hand experiences of these remarkable women. Contributors provide insight into a diverse range of perspectives across the entire movement, focusing on often-marginalized voices, including rural women, housewives, students, and artists. Department of State.

Arab Feminisms: Gender and Equality in the Middle East

Much of the research on gender regimes has pertained to the democratic welfare states of Europe, with attention to European Union EU legislation as a driver of gender-equality policies such as work-and-family reconciliation measures Pascall and Lewis ; Walby In her work on gender regimes, Walby , theorizes and historicizes the relationship between modernization and gender regimes, examining their evolution over time and distinguishing between the private patriarchy of the family the domestic gender regime and the public patriarchy of the state the public gender regime.

Drawing on the experience in Europe and North America, Walby distinguishes two ideal types of public gender regimes: neoliberal, exemplified by the United States with its weak welfare provisioning, and social democratic, which is exemplified by many states in the EU. However, it raises some questions. Can a given national context be characterized by more than one gender regime type? What is the place of family in institutional domains? Besides the structural drivers that Walby identifies—markets, political provisioning, regulations—what are the sociopolitical forces and agents driving change from one public gender regime to another?

In a study animated by measurement issues and using an expanded definition of gender regime, Bose shows that gender regimes cluster by world region and are varied in the Global South.

An intriguing finding is that the Middle East and North Africa MENA region falls between the lowest and highest regions in terms of gender in equality measures. Here I make the following arguments:. Domestic gender regimes may, however, be found in less-developed parts of MENA countries. Given the distinctive political-economy features of MENA e. The emerging conservative-corporatist form is most evident in Tunisia, Morocco, and Algeria, countries characterized by strong feminist movements, the visibility of women in the professions especially the judiciary , and reformed family law.

The concept of patriarchy has long been in use in feminist theorizing Hartmann ; Joseph ; Kabeer ; Lie ; Pateman ; Walby Conceptually, neopatriarchy spans macro, meso, and micro levels: state and economy; institutions and organizations; households, families, attitudes, and interpersonal relations. In such contexts, the domestic gender regime prevails. In the new century, Middle East feminist scholars analyzed social and discursive changes, including citizenship claims, family law Charrad ; Welchman , economic participation Cinar , and family forms Yount and Rashad Examining such claims, trends, and changes, Moghadam suggested that the institution of the MENA patriarchal family extended, patrilocal was in crisis.

Skalli , Sadiqi , and Salime showed how the long but eventually successful Moroccan campaign for family law reform was grounded in feminist advocacy, alliance-building, and strategic use of the new communication technologies.

Gilman analyzed the activities of an independent feminist group in Tunisia and its association with the Collectif see also Grami Moghadam : ch. I highlight those studies to argue that the changes they detailed indicate an ongoing transition from private to public patriarchy—or from a domestic to a public gender regime—in most MENA countries. The state remains a major regulator of gender relations, as does the family, which also provides a welfare function for populations outside formal employment arrangements.

But what kind of public gender regime is emerging? And what variations can be discerned across the region? This model collapsed in all but the richest Gulf states during the shift to privatization and liberalization in the s, but most MENA countries retain mixed market and state-controlled economies, ranging from the more open economies of Egypt, Morocco, Tunisia, and Turkey to the more protectionist economies of Algeria and Iran Cammett and Diwan ; Talani Full neoliberalization has not occurred; finance is hardly the dominant sector.

Social democracy, the dream of Tunisian and Moroccan protesters in , has not been realized. Markets have not been the main driver of change in gender relations; rather, we should look at the polity, the family, and civil society, especially the role of feminist organizations.

Here the Maghreb countries stand out for the sociopolitical and gender transformations that have taken place. Tunisia launched a democratic transition after its revolution. Many professional fields have become dominated by women, who also have become visible and vocal in an array of civil society organizations. Even so, most women are economically dependent on husbands or fathers; female economic activity is low, especially among those without tertiary education, the dual-earner family is limited, and family inheritance remains unequal between the sexes.

Constitutions cite the family as the foundation of society. Conservative-corporatist, therefore, is the appropriate term for the public gender regime in the Maghreb.

Research has identified structural and institutional drivers of change: resource endowments and the nature of the social structure; the development strategy pursued, state policies and legal frameworks; values and attitudes these also may be indicators and outcomes of change ; and the global normative environment, including international standards and norms to which a state is signatory Paxton and Hughes ; Walby Feminist mobilization, I argue, has been a principal driver and main agent of the shift from the neopatriarchal to the conservative-corporatist public gender regime in the Maghreb.

What follows is a summary of institutional changes that signal the emerging conservative-corporatist gender regime in the Maghreb. Varieties and features of gender regimes in the Middle East and North Africa. Maghreb intellectuals and activists have retained close ties with colleagues on the other side of the Mediterranean, embracing the diffusion of values, norms, and policies around democracy, human rights, and citizenship.

In turn, political leaders have been compelled to respond to external and internal pressure by easing restrictions on marginalized or banned political parties, permitting them to compete with the official or state-affiliated parties, and allowing new ones to form. The adoption of proportional representation electoral systems in the Maghreb, along with gender quotas, has helped women gain access to the political process.

A large proportion of women, 32 percent, won seats. The constitution establishes a multi-party system of proportional representation; enshrines the civil, political, and social rights of citizens; stipulates the principle of gender parity in elections; and charges the state with ending violence against women. In , Abdelrahman Youssefi, a socialist and former political prisoner, formed a government with other progressives.

Despite the large-scale Islamist opposition, progressive political parties and their civil society partners continued to support the family law reform, which eventually came to fruition in The waning of the Cold War and start of democracy promotion by the United States and international NGOs prompted political liberalization, enabling civil society to emerge and grow. Trade unions, human rights organizations, student groups, and feminist organizations became the most active, along with an array of professional associations in which women members are active.

In , 34 percent of Algerian women of university age were enrolled, and in Tunisia the figure was 40 percent; women were studying law, medicine, and the sciences, as well as the liberal arts. Those figures for women enrolled in sciences were higher than all the Latin American countries listed. The mean age at first marriage has risen for women, and fertility rates have fallen from a high base.

By , Algeria and Morocco each had a fertility rate of 2. Certain professional fields have seen a large-scale entry of women. By , Algerian women constituted 38 percent, and Tunisian women 42 percent, of university teaching staff.

The field of law saw a large presence of women, with women lawyers as key figures in legal reform. In Algeria in , 37 percent of all judges were women; in Morocco the figure was 24 percent and in Tunisia 28 percent. In Morocco, female representation on the high court increased from 23 percent in to 26 percent in An important initiative was the formation of the Collectif to advocate for family law reform, equal nationality rights, enhanced political representation, and ending violence against women.

Their firm stance earned them cabinet posts in the new century, some amendments to the family law in , and the appointment of the first female general.

Amid protests in February against a fifth term for the ailing president, a group of feminist intellectuals penned a solidarity statement and called for social and gender equality El Watan Tunisian feminist organizations continue to work with Algerian and Moroccan feminists within the Collectif.

Changes in the structure of the family and the characteristics of the female population, as well as the feminist advocacy discussed above, have instigated legal and policy reforms. In Morocco, a reformed family law was introduced in after twelve years of feminist advocacy; equal nationality rights for women were adopted in Two years later, a three-year campaign spearheaded by the Association democratique des femmes du Maroc ADFM overturned century-old norms denying Soulaliyate women residing in rural, tribal areas equal land rights or to share, transfer, and benefit from the rent or sale of 30 million acres of communally owned land.

In Tunisia, the enhancements to the family law were followed by the Nationality Code, whereby Tunisian mothers married to foreign men could pass on their nationality to their children. In , a presidential commission known by the French acronym COLIBE considered the possible adoption of an equal inheritance law and was headed by a well-known feminist lawyer.

In all three countries, ending violence against women—in the home, workplace, and the streets—is a priority for research, advocacy, and coalitions.

The law on combating violence against women Law In February , a new Algerian law came into effect to hand down heavy penalties for acts of domestic violence as well as harassment of women in the street. In all three countries, violence against women continues, but so do public protests against it. Abortion remains a taboo subject, and only Tunisia legalized it, but Moroccan feminists are seeking decriminalization and Algerian feminists are monitoring those efforts.

The family nonetheless remains an important institution for the regulation of gender relations and sexual behavior, and for receipt of formal and informal welfare provisioning. As the labor force is male-dominated, men receive most formal socioeconomic benefits e. The traditional gender division of labor prevails, and family wealth remains unequally divided between sons and daughters, wives and male kin. The diversity of family forms described in the UN Women report is not found in MENA or even the Maghreb, and the dual-earner family is not yet the norm.

Analysis of recent surveys from the fourth, fifth, and sixth waves of the World Values Survey WVS and the Arab Barometer show that attitudes and values are changing in the three Maghreb countries. In general, women tend to have more egalitarian views than do men; and more educated citizens have the most liberal attitudes. The change in attitudes is most pronounced in Morocco. In Tunisia, over 40 percent of men agree with the statement. Women do not agree that men make better business executives than women do.

In all countries, men and women disagree that a university education is more important for a boy than for a girl. There is high support for equal rights to divorce in the Maghreb, and acceptance of a woman as head of state is high in Morocco 72 percent and Tunisia 67 percent but not in Algeria.

Support for equal inheritance is low: 28 percent in Tunisia, 20 percent in Morocco, and 18 percent in Algeria. Moroccan women in traditional roles—and their husbands—are less likely to support gender egalitarian values.

For men, the primary driver of egalitarian attitudes is having a wife who works Benstead , Patriarchy is enduring, but it takes socially and historically specific forms. Despite the many country studies on patriarchy, theorization of varieties of patriarchy, or more precisely, the gender regime, has been absent.

The Maghreb transition is ongoing and incomplete. Attitudes are more conservative and thus Algeria retains elements of private patriarchy, justifying its classification as a hybrid public gender regime. In all three countries, women are still largely responsible for childcare and elder care, although this is true even in many core countries, despite marketized options. Indeed, markets have not been advantageous to Maghreb women; economic liberalization has not created more jobs for women and certainly not good jobs.

Class remains salient, in that much of the progress described above has been most directly felt by educated and employed women of the middle class. Greater attention to the inclusion of working-class and poor women could help attenuate organized challenges and create more support for the shift away from neopatriarchy toward a more modern and egalitarian gender regime. Valentine M. Born in Tehran, Iran, she studied in Canada and the U. Space limitations preclude a detailed examination of the transition from domestic to public patriarchy—involving revolutions and state-led modernization and development programs—and the different forms.

The vast literature encompasses works on welfare states and citizenship regimes T. The Green Alliance claimed electoral fraud. See also Sonneveld and Lindbekk

Women in the Arab World: A Case of Religion or Culture?

The first gender budgeting initiatives in the region date to the early s and differ in their origins, frameworks, and goals. These countries also sought to improve sex-disaggregated data collection to inform fiscal decision-making. Furthermore, they benefited from the support of international organizations such as UN Women formerly UNIFEM , and nongovernmental organizations, parliamentarians, and academicians. Yet, assessment of the regional evidence suggests that while Morocco has made progress on key gender equality indicators, it still lags its regional counterparts. It can learn not only from its own attempts at gender budgeting, but also from the efforts of other regions. The countries in the region need to ensure that both girls and boys have similar opportunities for primary and secondary education and women and men for appropriate health care.

Women in the Arab world

Supplemental material, However, nuanced large-scale studies addressing which specific aspects of religiosity affect support for gender equality across the MENA are conspicuously absent. This study develops and tests a gendered agentic socialization framework that proposes that MENA citizens are not only passively socialized by religion but also have agency within their religiosity. This disaggregates the influence of religiosity, highlights its multifacetedness, and theorizes the moderating roles that gender and sociocognitive empowerment play via gendered processes of agentic dissociations. Using 15 World Values Surveys and multilevel models, our analyses show that most dimensions of religiosity fuel opposition to gender equality.

Rosemary Hollis; Introduction : Feminism in the Arab world: four perspectives. Contemporary Arab Affairs 1 January ; 6 1 : 71— Sign In or Create an Account.

Egypt ranks low in gender equity compared to other countries worldwide. The Global Gender Gap Index, which measures disparities between men and women across countries, ranks Egypt at out of countries worldwide. According to the IMF, raising the female labor force participation rate to the male level, coupled with access to employment opportunities, would increase GDP by approximately 34 percent. The Workforce Improvement and Skills Enhancement WISE project focuses on skills development through providing teacher training in technical schools, on-the-job training, and employability training for job seekers — with a focus on women and youth.

Much of the research on gender regimes has pertained to the democratic welfare states of Europe, with attention to European Union EU legislation as a driver of gender-equality policies such as work-and-family reconciliation measures Pascall and Lewis ; Walby In her work on gender regimes, Walby , theorizes and historicizes the relationship between modernization and gender regimes, examining their evolution over time and distinguishing between the private patriarchy of the family the domestic gender regime and the public patriarchy of the state the public gender regime.

Double-Edged Politics on Women’s Rights in the MENA Region

The roles of women in the Arab world have changed throughout history, as the culture and society in which they live has undergone important transformations. Historically, as well as presently, the situation of women differs greatly between Arabic speaking regions, their urban or rural population and age groups. Among other factors, these differences can be attributed to local traditions , culture and religion , women's social or legal status, their level of education , health or self-awareness.

According to mainstream, Western, secular discourse, Islam is inherently oppressive to women. This attitude is reflected in rhetoric of those like French President Nicolas Sarkozy, who says that veils oppress women, [1] and the former U. It represents a monolithic view of Islam, re-inscribes patriarchal hierarchies and colonial relationships with subaltern groups, and represents a false simplicity in our attempts to understand both the status of Muslim women and the dynamics of Muslim societies. However, despite the popular discourse in Western media, politics and even academics, the status of women in Muslim societies is far from being reducible to a simple religious issue. It is necessary to unpack both the religion and the surrounding cultures in order to fully understand the status of women in Muslim societies. Ultimately, their situation is best understood through the concept of hybridity.

Maha Tazi , Kenza Oumlil. E-mail: maha. The uprisings protested authoritarian regimes and called for democracy, freedom, and social justice. Fourth-wave feminism finds its origins in the new Web 2. Despite the enduring digital gap in the MENA region, feminists contributed significantly in the context of the Arab Spring to the public debates and discussions online to call for mass mobilization as well as raise awareness about gender issues and discrimination. Taking as objects of analysis three case studies of feminist interventions from Egypt, Tunisia, and Lebanon, the article examines the ways in which the selected activists in the region respond to their contemporary context by advocating for gender equality at the same time that they seek to promote a wider social justice agenda for their respective countries.

Arab Feminisms: gender and equality in the Middle East is a welcome addition to the existing literature in Middle Eastern women's studies. This edited volume.

Re-Understanding Religion and Support for Gender Equality in Arab Countries

Speeches Shim

Please note that ebooks are subject to tax and the final price may vary depending on your country of residence. Is there a truly Arab feminist movement? Is there such a thing as 'Islamic' feminism? What does it meant to be a 'feminist' in the Arab World today? Does it mean grappling with the main theoretical elements of the movement? Or does it mean involvement at the grassroots level with everyday activism? This book examines the issues and controversies that are hotly debated and contested when it comes to the concept of feminism and gender in Arab society today.

Задействованная ею программа была написана на языке программирования Лимбо, который не был его специальностью. Но ему хватило одного взгляда, чтобы понять: никакая это не диагностика. Хейл мог понять смысл лишь двух слов.

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