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INTRODUCTION

Haferkamp is grateful to Angelika Schade for her fruitful comments and her helpful assistance in editing this volume and to Geoff Hunter for translating the first German version of parts of the Introduction; Smelser has profited from the research assistance and critical analyses given by Joppke. Those who organized the conference on which this volume is based—including the editors—decided to use the terms "social change" and "modernity" as the organizing concepts for this project.

Because these terms enjoy wide usage in contemporary sociology and are general and inclusive, they seem preferable to more specific terms such as "evolution" "progress," "differentiation," or even "development," many of which evoke more specific mechanisms, processes, and directions of change.

Likewise, we have excluded historically specific terms such as "late capitalism" and "industrial society" even though these concepts figure prominently in many of the contributions to this volume.

The conference strategy called for a general statement of a metaframework for the study of social change within which a variety of more specific theories could be identified. Change is such an evident feature of social reality that any social-scientific theory, whatever its conceptual starting point, must sooner or later address it.

At the same time it is essential to note that the ways social change has been identified have varied greatly in the history of thought. Furthermore, conceptions of change appear to have mirrored the historical.

In his essay for this volume Giesen shows that even though ideas of time existed and evolved over thousands of years—ranging from the identification of time as a period of action and a period of living to the differentiation of time according to hierarchical position the gods are eternal; empires rise, prosper, and fall; humans have a time lifespan , to the conception of time as progress—stability and order were the norm and changes were exceptional.

But in more recent centuries the dominant conceptions of change itself have changed. Social change as a concept for comprehending a continual dynamic in social units became salient during the French Revolution and the industrial revolution in England, both periods of extraordinary dynamism. Comprehensive change became normal, and, accordingly, social philosophers and later sociologists gradually replaced the older ideas of natural constants and the contractual constructions of natural and rational order with conceptions of social change, even though precise formulations were slow to appear.

For these thinkers social change was "a property of social order, known as change" Luhmann , Moreover, in the midst of change observers began to look in retrospect to the dramatic changes that had occurred in earlier epochs, for examples, in the development of the Egyptian Empire or the Western Roman Empire. Contemporary theories of social change have become more generalized in order to explain far-reaching processes of change in past and present.

In a review of contemporary theories of change Hermann Strasser and Susan C. Randall have identified the following attributes for these changes: "magnitude of change, time span, direction, rate of change, amount of violence involved" , In our view any theory of change must contain three main elements that must stand in definite relation to one another:.

Structural determinants of social change, such as population changes, the dislocation occasioned by war, or strains and contradictions. Processes and mechanisms of social change, including precipitating mechanisms, social movements, political conflict and accommodation, and entrepreneurial activity.

Directions of social change, including structural changes, effects, and consequences. Even this rendition of the metaframework for models of change is overly simple, for among the structural determinants of different processes of social change are the accumulated consequences of previous sequences of change.

Wiswede and Kutsch , vii argue that although "the analysis of social change represents the touchstone of sociology," it "obviously still appears to be underdeveloped today. The first reason is that despite the evident fact that comprehensive social changes cannot be explained by monocausal theories, such theories still survive in one form or another: cultural emanationist theories, materialist theories, and more specific examples such as the explanation of social changes by the size and composition of the population of a society Cipolla or by changes in key actors' attitudes Opp Such theories generally break down when confronted with explaining unexpected changes or when they are used for predicting or forecasting.

The second reason for the underdevelopment of the study of social changes is those who accept the necessity of multicausal explanations face a formidable task in arranging the great arsenal of determinants, mechanisms, processes, and consequences into sufficiently complex interactive and predictive models.

Simple theories are easier to create but are more likely to be inadequate, whereas complex theories are more likely to be realistic but are more difficult to construct formally. Another point of tension in the scientific study of social change is that between the striving for general theories and the carrying out of specialized studies dealing with certain societies and periods of time. Certainly the more comprehensive theories of the sociological masters still survive and inform the research of many scholars, even though the focus of these scholars has become more limited.

This volume strikes a kind of balance between comprehensiveness and specialization. Although the contributors and editors have kept in mind Wilbert E. Moore's cautionary words about "the myth of a singular theory of change" Moore , 23 , we have nonetheless been able to organize the volume around some general themes in the contemporary study of social change.

These themes are the persistence of evolutionary thought, structural differentiation and cultural change, theories of modernity, modernity and new forms of social movements, modernity and social inequality, and international and global themes. This introduction takes up these themes in the order listed. The lasting attractiveness of the paradigm of evolutionary theory in sociology is a remarkable phenomenon given the controversial history of this perspective in sociology.

In very recent times, however, it has been less the evolutionary writings of Spencer The Study of Sociology [], Principles of Sociology [—96] than those of Darwin that have provided the models for sociologists Giesen , 10—11; Luhmann, this volume; Giesen, this volume. Recent evidence of the continuing vitality of the evolutionary perspective is found, among North American sociologist, in the works of Talcott Parsons , , , a, , Neil J. The work of Shmuel N.

Eisenstadt , shows a similar influence. These evolutionary conceptions have not been without their critics. Parsons's emphasis on evolution as an increase of adaptability, that is, the capacity to control and gain greater independence from the environment, has come under attack from a variety of sources Granovetter ; Schmid , ; Luhmann This line of criticism stresses the apparent teleology of Parsons's formulation and his failure to explain the structural prerequisites that are presumably necessary for further evolution.

West German neoevolutionary thought has also come in for its share of critical reactions on Habermas, see Berger ; Schmid ; Honneth and Joas On Luhmann, see Haferkamp and Schmid One particular line of criticism of Habermas's work is that it is too normative and not sufficiently explanatory in its force: "He fails to give a plausible reason why a rise in the capability for moral reflection should in all cases a rise in the adaptability of a social formation" Schmid , In this volume Goldthorpe, impatient with the generalities of both classical evolutionary theory and Marxist thought, echoes Popper's —45, still-pertinent criticism.

Despite these critical responses, evolutionary theory—or at least selected aspects of it—continues to reappear. In this volume a number of authors Luhmann, Eder, and Hondrich take up evolutionary questions directly. Other authors, who are more closely identified with either systems theory or conflict theory Giesen, Smelser, and Eisenstadt , also touch on evolutionary issues. Thus, Eder, although mainly looking at societal contradictions, also asks about the evolutionary functions of contradictions.

Looking at the contributions to this volume that take up evolutionary themes in terms of the metaframework sketched above, it is possible to identify the following elements: triggering mechanisms for change, sustaining.

Triggering mechanisms. In addition to the various internal mechanisms such as technology, cultural lags, and contradictions , Smelser suggests that "intersocietal relations" be systematically included as triggering mechanisms. Eder focuses on contradictions and treats them as "mechanisms [that] initiate or continue communication. In a related formulation Eisenstadt identifies "structural variety" in societies, which is a breeding ground for conflicts.

And in the most unorthodox formulation Luhmann develops the notion of improbability. By contrast, Luhmann argues that, when viewed retrospectively, all developments are improbable in that they could not have been explained by prior existing determinants for example, the distribution of power or wealth. Changes are, rather, the product of what Luhmann calls autopoiesis, that is, the tendency for self-production is social systems.

Luhmann thus departs from the tradition causal assumptions of evolutionary theory and builds a high degree of indeterminacy—summarized by the phrase "the improbability of the probable"—into his conception of change.

Eder also introduces the notion of liberty and improbability into his perspective on change but not in such a central way. Sustaining mechanisms. The contributors to this volume develop many such mechanisms by making reference to biological analogies. Hondrich considers differentiation and segmentation to be "two opposing yet collaborative principles of evolution, the former representing the dynamic, innovative, expanding and risky aspect of evolution, the latter standing for preservation, stability, and a reduction of risks.

Again striking a note of indeterminacy, Luhmann regards the sustaining mechanisms for change as autopoiesis, that is, as self-referential systems permanently producing themselves and heading into an open-ended future. The contributors range across the board with respect to the determinacy of the end states of change.

Eder speaks of a telos. This ongoing stream of communication constitutes social reality as being something in flux, as something always in change. At this level telos signifies the development of a morality based on the autonomy of the subject and is thus reminiscent of Piaget's and Kohlberg's conceptions of moral development.

Hondrich, using a traditional biological analogy, finds directionality in the "interests of evolution," which are primarily those of survival. Luhmann appears to replace his earlier emphasis on the directionality found in "differentiation," "complexity," or even "progress" with a directionality that is more improbable. Smelser, who in an earlier formulation stressed both differentiation and complexity as lending directionality, is now more skeptical about very general statements concerning evolutionary goals or directions.

Eisenstadt argues against positing any directionality toward modernization on the basis of prior structural properties—calling them merely "necessary conditions of modernization"—and argues that the fortuitous intervention of elites necessary to create modern social structures.

Finally, Giesen considers that the notion of directed development is wholly inappropriate. Overall process. One of the features of contemporary evolutionary theory is that even though traditional models of development survive, there is also a preoccupation with pathology, paradox, decay, and dissolution as well as with growth Elias Although Hondrich relies mainly on functionalist theories of differentiation and acknowledges the increases in size and efficiency accompanying differentiation, he also sees an increasing homogeneity in society and points to various threats posed to society by functional differentiation.

Extreme differentiation, for example, is always accompanied by the development of a substratum of black markets, informal groups, and secret networks.

Eder also points to pathologies in the evolutionary process that generally lead to higher level of morality. Luhmann's stress on "backward developments" and Giesen's insistence that both emergence and decay are present in any social process also underscore the more pessimistic flavor of the most recent evolutionary models.

Among the most persistent themes that appear in the evolutionist and neoevolutionist literature are those of differentiation, integration, conflict,. The same notion informs the work of a number of contemporary theorists, notably Parsons.

Yet both the causes and consequences of social differentiation remain unclear; they are explored by many of the contributors to this volume. One way of organizing existing thought on structural differentiation is to trace the ways in which this phenomenon has been related to both integration and conflict.

In the theories of Adam Smith and Herbert Spencer differentiation was regarded as a fundamental principle of change, but the integration of specialized activities was not problematic in their theories because it was regarded as a result that emerged from the aggregation of voluntary exchange in society.

Differentiation the division of labor also played a central role in the theories of Karl Marx and Emile Durkheim. Marx posited contradictions, conflicts, and ultimate disintegration as arising from the differentiation of economic and social positions in economic systems. Durkheim stressed the need for positive integration in a differentiated society if anomie and conflict were not to become endemic.

In his contribution to this volume, Alexander acknowledges the power of Durkheim's theory of differentiation but finds shortcomings in its naive evolutionary assumptions and its mechanistic quality. One of the most comprehensive theories of differentiation is that of Parsons, who laid great stress on the adaptive upgrading that is attained through greater specialization of roles, organizations, and institutions.

Yet this very focus on the functional consequences of differentiation, Alexander notes, perhaps diverted Parsons from a closer focus on "the actual processes by which that new and more differentiated institution actually came about.

The stress on functionally positive consequences may harbor a certain apologetic note, even an "ideological patina. But the dynamics of structural differentiation are still not fully understood.

The focus on structural causes and mechanisms of differentiation is found in Alexander's contribution to this volume. He argues that to improve the theory of differentiation, it is "necessary [to have] … a more phase-specific model of general differentiation and of social process alike. He argues that the theory of differentiation has as yet been unable to incorporate the notions of "political repression," "ferocious violence," "oppression," and "war.

One advantage of his formulation is that it proposes a reciprocal relationship between conflict, conquest, and repression on the one hand and processes of differentiation on the other.

Each set of variables plays a central causal role in the development of the others. In related formulations Eder regards conflict as a starting mechanisms of social change through variation, and Eyerman's analysis begins with societal conflict. This focus on conflict brings to mind the Marxist heritage of differentiation as the source of the contradictions that destabilize and ultimately destroy a society.

INTRODUCTION

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The term homo economicus , or economic man , is the portrayal of humans as agents who are consistently rational and narrowly self-interested , and who pursue their subjectively-defined ends optimally. It is a word play on Homo sapiens , used in some economic theories and in pedagogy. In game theory , homo economicus is often modelled through the assumption of perfect rationality. It assumes that agents always act in a way that maximize utility as a consumer and profit as a producer , [2] and are capable of arbitrarily complex deductions towards that end. They will always be capable of thinking through all possible outcomes and choosing that course of action which will result in the best possible result.

Нуматака тоже был уверен, что компания это сделает. В эпоху цифровой связи понятие неприкосновенности частной жизни ушло в прошлое. Записывается .

INTRODUCTION

Он понимал: выбраться из шифровалки ему удастся, только если он пустит в ход все навыки поведения в конфликтных ситуациях, которые приобрел на военной службе. Стратмор придвинулся ближе, держа беретту в вытянутой руке прямо перед. - Как ты узнал про черный ход. - Я же сказал. Я прочитал все, что вы доверили компьютеру.

 Он был крайне со мной любезен, - просияв, сказал Бринкерхофф, довольный тем, что ему удалось остаться в живых после телефонного разговора.  - Он заверил меня, что ТРАНСТЕКСТ в полной исправности. Сказал, что он взламывает коды каждые шесть минут и делал это даже пока мы с ним говорили. Поблагодарил меня за то, что я решил позвонить .


picture of rational economic man living in a state of Godelier, Rationality and Irrationality in Economics p system that is the creator of this fragmentation.


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Modernity and Social Movements

Ответ, уже из могилы, дал Чатрукьян. Стратмор отключил программу Сквозь строй. Это открытие было болезненным, однако правда есть правда. Стратмор скачал файл с Цифровой крепостью и запустил его в ТРАНСТЕКСТ, но программа Сквозь строй отказалась его допустить, потому что файл содержал опасную линейную мутацию. В обычных обстоятельствах это насторожило бы Стратмора, но ведь он прочитал электронную почту Танкадо, а там говорилось, что весь трюк и заключался в линейной мутации. Решив, что никакой опасности нет, Стратмор запустил файл, минуя фильтры программы Сквозь строй. Сьюзан едва могла говорить.

Beyond the New Economic Anthropology

Сьюзан рассказала Дэвиду про КОМИ НТ, подразделение глобальной разведки, в распоряжении которого находилось немыслимое количество постов прослушивания, спутников-шпионов и подслушивающих устройств по всему земному шару. Ежедневно тысячи сообщений и разговоров перехватывались и посылались экспертам АНБ для дешифровки. Разведданные, поставляемые агентством, влияли на процесс принятия решений ФБР, ЦРУ, а также внешнеполитическими советниками правительства США. Беккер был потрясен.

У него был такой вид, словно он только что увидел привидение. - Какого черта здесь нужно Чатрукьяну? - недовольно поинтересовался Стратмор.  - Сегодня не его дежурство. - Похоже, что-то стряслось, - сказала Сьюзан.  - Наверное, увидел включенный монитор.

Ungewöhnliche Wolkenansammlungen

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Haferkamp is grateful to Angelika Schade for her fruitful comments and her helpful assistance in editing this volume and to Geoff Hunter for translating the first German version of parts of the Introduction; Smelser has profited from the research assistance and critical analyses given by Joppke.

AndrГ© G.

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GODELIER, Maurice - Rationality and Irrationality in chezchevaux.org - Free ebook download as PDF File .pdf) or view presentation slides.

Bonfilia Г.

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His publications include Rationality and Irrationality in Economics, The Mental and the Material, The Making of Great Men, The Enigma of the Gift; In and Out of​.

Perrin D.

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How to publish with Brill.

Meg T.

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R. DWORKIN, LAW's EMPIRE (); M. GODELIER, RATIONALITY AND​. IRRATIONALITY IN IRRATIONALITY IN ECONOMICS 12 () (citing Allais). But this often becomes a the death of their creator. Similarly, most Third.

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